A rchive Date
[ 20-06-2004 ]
Category
[ International Relations ]
sub-Categoy
[ Canada ]
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[http://www.canoe.ca/Columnists/dfisher.html
Chretien puts his ministers to the test
By DOUGLAS FISHER - Sun Ottawa Bureau
January 20, 2002
To turn a famous line around, today I come to praise Caesar, not to bury him.
So often over the years a citizen could despair of Jean Chretien. He nearly lost the country in THE referendum. He's done far less than he could with the enormous power he's accumulated, and Canada's international reputation and economic competitiveness have continued to decline. He keeps dud ministers (the shuffle didn't get them all).
He starves the military but sends its troops into harm's way. He runs a sleazy, smarmily arrogant government.
Most seriously, he's taken so much power into his own hands. Canada has become a pantomime democracy. Yet Chretien is arguably a better party leader - even prime minister - than either Pierre Trudeau or Brian Mulroney in one important respect: Political succession.
Trudeau drove contenders for his job out of cabinet. John Turner, the heir apparent, couldn't stomach him. Neither could the more talented, if less photogenic, Donald Macdonald (who became a leading free trade proponent). Only Chretien stayed the course, enduring Trudeau's ill-disguised disdain for him - which helped lose him the leadership in 1984.
Brian Mulroney treated ministers better, but only focussed on his succession when it seemed Kim Campbell would win by acclamation. He talked Jean Charest into challenging her, thus creating just enough political buzz to delude the Tories into believing they had a chance.
Chretien, by contrast, enjoys nurturing his party's leadership hopefuls - even as he plays them off against each other to maintain his own supremacy. He's retained the services of his heir apparent, Paul Martin and, at least publicly, kept cordial with him, despite the attempted Martinite putsch.
And he's encouraged others to seek the throne.
Consider Brian Tobin. Chretien got him to abandon the premiership of Newfoundland - no small sacrifice - and return to federal politics by offering him the industry portfolio as a platform from which to challenge Martin.
But Industry was also a test. Chretien knew that the Tobinator's reputation for pork and bluster could cripple his leadership chances. Industry offered Tobin a chance to fashion a new reputation - one for sagacity in national economic matters and statesman-like conduct. Chretien also appreciated that Tobin, a politician from the hinterland who'd not held an economic ministry, lacked the close relationship with the national business community a contender needs.
Tobin failed the test. Despite the government's efforts to stop subsidizing non-viable industries, he immediately sought to reinstate subsidies for maritime shipyards. His leadership vision proved to be a grandiose, billion-dollar scheme to bring high speed internet access to every community, however small or isolated. He failed to offer a sound economic rationale for it, merely insisting that it would create tremendous opportunities for such communities. When many in the business community called it an expensive boondoggle, he attacked them.
He continued to seek funding for it before the budget, despite the poor reviews, the downturn in the economy and government finances and the meltdown in the technology sector. Having failed to secure money for it (a victory for Martin), he chose to quit, probably triggered by word that John Manley was getting the leg up to deputize for the boss.
By the big shuffle Chretien sets tests for Martin's two forefront competitors: John Manley and Allan Rock.
Chretien says Manley's writ as deputy prime minister will be similar to Don Mazankowski's, who as DPM acted as Mulroney's chief operating officer. Coordinating the government's agenda, chairing cabinet committees and standing in for the PM will be challenging (assuming that Chretien actually lets Manley run things). But the true test, from Chretien's viewpoint, is likely Manley's assignment as minister for Crown corporations and infrastructure. Can Manley master the use of patronage and pork implicit in the job to keep happy his fellow ministers, MPs, organizers, contributors and the party faithful plus maintain his Mr. Clean image?
Chretien believes in patronage. Should Manley seek to protect his image by saying "no" a lot, his standing with the PM - and party - will plummet. The hard line would show Quebec and Maritime Liberals that he lacks the national vision required to be leader of the natural governing party.
PATENT PROTECTION
Allan Rock, in industry, must show he realizes being prime minister means more than pontificating on social ills and bashing premiers. He must demonstrate he can network with business and make Canada more competitive and attractive to investors. Rock, who at health almost sank the government's patent policy with the Cipro drug fiasco, may well start in industry by explaining to Canadians why patent protection encourages innovation and investment.
In setting his tests, Jean Chretien has shown once more he has a sense of fun. One wonders if Manley and Rock appreciate it. (Brian Tobin probably didn't.)
Letters to the editor should be sent to editor@sunpub.com
 World Fact Book (CIA]
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